Friday, January 25, 2008

McCain Picks up attacks on Romney in 08 Florida Primary

Following a mostly cordial debate Thursday night in Boca Raton, McCain called a press conference Friday morning to slap down Romney’s argument that his time in the private sector makes him equipped to handle the economic problems that have Washington scrambling to head off a potential recession.

“I think everybody knows the difference between leadership and management,” McCain said. “You can hire managers all the time … leadership is people who inspire.”

Asked what he was specifically suggesting about Romney in 08 election rhetoric, McCain answered, “I’m suggesting Gov. Romney is touting his qualities and his experience and resume as a manager. I am telling the American people, and they know it, that I am a leader.”

Just as the GOP candidates were starting to go easy on each other, John McCain cranked up the volume against his top Florida competitor, Mitt Romney in 08 Florida Primaries, on Friday, suggesting the former venture capitalist is more of a desk jockey than a president.

His new rhetorical tack comes as Romney swiftly catches up to him in Florida polls following McCain’s momentum building victories in South Carolina and New Hampshire. The GOP race has sharply turned from focusing on national security and illegal immigration toward the economy, a twist Romney has used to his advantage.

Even though McCain has tried to look past the primaries and cast himself as the most formidable challenger in the general election, the Tuesday vote is the last major contest before Super Tuesday Feb. 5, making it a critical opportunity to pick up steam on the road to the nomination.

Rudy Giuliani, who’s staked his campaign on Florida, has recently been idling in third in state polls. But poll averages show McCain and Romney in 08 elections just fractions of a point apart.

Romney is sticking to the economic argument, asserting Friday in Miami that “the only way to get America on track economically is to have a president who actually understands how the economy works.”

Promises to turn around the economy and fix a broken Washington have driven his campaign of late and were major themes before he won Michigan and Nevada.

He responded to McCain’s attacks at a rally in Pensacola, Fla., saying, “I guess Senator McCain didn’t think as positively about last night’s debate as I did.”

He ridiculed his competitor as a Washington insider who’s admitted he’s not an expert on the economy.

“That’s straight talk,” Romney said. “Now he’s engaging in Washington talk … And I’ll tell you this — somebody who’s been in the real economy, who’s created real jobs, someone who’s been on Main Street knows a lot more about the jobs and the economy of this nation than someone who’s spent his time in K Street and in Washington, DC.”

Romney headed the 2002 Winter Olympic Games and was Massachusetts governor from 2003 to 2007, but spent most of his career as a business consultant and later founded Bain Capital.

The two Florida frontrunners have started going at it in advertisements, too. The campaigns launched dueling Web ads Thursday night that mocked each other to the backdrop of the waltz “The Blue Danube,” a popular tune among political ad-makers.

“Mitt Romney says he’s a leader, but how do we know which direction he wants to lead? Mitt Romney seems to change positions like the wind,” a McCain ad says.

McCain also picked up the endorsement of Florida Sen. Mel Martinez Friday. Martinez was born in Cuba and his endorsement could give the Arizona senator a boost with the state’s Cuban Americans, a cross-section Giuliani was trying to court.

Giuliani still says he’s going to win Tuesday, and on Friday joined the chorus of criticism. He struck at both McCain and Romney for not supporting tax cuts consistently, and for not fully embracing a disaster relief fund that he’s been promoting.

Mike Huckabee, who won the Iowa caucuses, is polling behind Giuliani in Florida, but says he hasn’t given up on the state.

Wednesday, January 23, 2008

Press Conference for Romney in 08 Nevada Elections



This is a Mitt Romney Reno Press Conference where he accepts endorsements and discusses his efforts in the 2008 campaign. Will it be Romney in 08 elections here in the United States are will we see McCain pull through to get the Republican Nod. I think we have all agreed that the Rudy investment in Florida will prove to be futile and his lack of substance will prove fatal even in NYC. Romney has done a good job thus far and we can only hope for Romney in 08. Do your part and make it Romney in 08, contact him at his campaign website or look for more information on the presidential election at Elections in 2008.

Recession Helps Romney in 08 Elections

This weekend revealed a race that boils down to two head-to-head matchups: Hillary Clinton vs. Barack Obama and John McCain vs. Mitt Romney. The deciding factors going forward will be economic experience and party backing, both of which favor Clinton and Romney.

The three-day holiday weekend had a full campaign schedule: In Nevada, both parties held a caucus, and in South Carolina, the Republicans held a primary and the Democrats had a contentious debate.

With the housing market and stock market stumbling, the election focus will shift to the economy, with voters deciding which candidate they trust to manage the economy.

The race between McCain and Romney remains remarkably close. Mike Huckabee won the first caucus in Iowa, but attacks on his record as Arkansas' governor have stalled his momentum. Since Iowa, McCain and Romney have traded wins. Romney has the overall lead in delegates with 66 to McCain's 38.

Recent national polls have shown McCain moving into first place over both Huckabee and Romney. It's hard to judge the validity of these polls in light of past predictive history in the Republican race. For example, Rudy Giuliani led national polls all summer and fall with similar margins to McCain's. Even Huckabee knocked off Giuliani for about a week.

Over the weekend, Romney easily won Nevada because he was the only candidate who had spent significant time campaigning there. South Carolina seemed more important. There, McCain edged Huckabee despite the considerable Christian conservative influence in the state.

Exit Polls from the Palmetto State showed voters' Number One concern was the economy. But voters also said they cared more about a candidate's values than his experience. The latter explains why McCain and Huckabee performed so well.

McCain, on the other hand, has sheepishly said he has little economic experience. He mentioned this during a recent Republican debate and made similar comments to The Wall Street Journal's editorial board. It appears that his lone economic adviser is another former senator, Phil Gramm.

The economy, however, will remain a hot topic for the next few months with voters all over the nation. This should help Romney, who will be able to tout his experience in business as the head of Bain Capital Management, a successful private-equity firm. Romney's reputation is also bolstered by his turnaround of the 2002 Salt Lake City Olympics. The Olympics were plagued by scandal. Romney rejuvenated the games and brought in hundreds of millions of dollars in corporate sponsorships.

Romney's message on the economy allowed him to beat McCain in Michigan. The Romney campaign will continue to play up this distinction in the run up to Super Tuesday, including using sound bites of McCain about his lack of experience.

Romney is also better placed to campaign nationally than McCain, given his vast fortune.

Romney also has better backing from conservative elites than McCain. McCain has managed to discourage conservatives with his atypical legislative record. Romney, on the other hand, has received the endorsement of important voices, such as The National Review's.

Should the economy remain the news story of the next few weeks, then look for Hillary Clinton and Mitt Romney to secure the nominations in their respective parties.

Sunday, January 20, 2008

Michigan Says Romney in 08 Primary

The Following is a Transcript of a Speech by Romney in the Michigan Primary Election in January 2008. This was taken from Real Clear Politics and much more information can be found there and at the Presidential Election 2008 Blog.

"Thank you. This is quite an institution. It's good to be back here with you. It's good to be back in Michigan.

"You know, somehow everything just seems right here. In the winter, of course, the skies are cloudy all day. Most of the cars you see on the roads are made here in the good old U-S-of A.

"People know that pop is not a relative, it's a soft drink, and they know that Vernors is the best ginger ale in the world.

"And of course, for me, I have a lot of memories here. This is where both Ann and I were born. It's where I met her. We were in our senior year when we went to a party together. I was in senior year, she was a sophomore. She came with someone else. I noticed her at age 16. She was very interesting. I went to the guy who brought her there and said, 'Look, I live closer to Ann than you do, can I give her a ride home?' We've been going steady ever since.

"So we know each other real well. I said to her after we made the decision to get into this race, and you've probably heard it before, I said, 'Ann, in your wildest dreams did you see me running for President of the United States?' And she said, 'Mitt, you weren't in my wildest dreams.' She'd be here today, but she's in Lansing, by the way, speaking at another event for me.

"First, one of the things I like best about coming back to Michigan is the memories I have in my heart of my Mom and Dad.

"One of my favorite stories, and you may have heard this because they told it more than once, was about my Dad's visit to Mt. Pleasant, Michigan, on the 4th of July. He got up and spoke before the town. He said, 'It sure is great being here in Mt. Clement.' There was this big ooooh in the audience and my mother leaned forward and said, 'George, it's Pleasant, Pleasant!' He said, 'Yeah, it sure is pleasant here in Mt. Clement.'

"Now I have to tell you, if I'm elected as President of this great land, I will not need a compass to tell me where Michigan is.

"And I won't need to be briefed on what's going on in the auto industry or what's happening to Michigan's economy. You see, I've got Michigan in my DNA. I've got it in my heart and I've got cars in my bloodstream.

"When I was living here, Michigan was the pride of the country and really the envy of the entire world. Detroit was the Motor City to everybody in the world. Of course, the Hudson's Thanksgiving Day Parade was one of the grand traditions my family enjoyed.

"And perhaps the biggest day of the year for me was being able to go to the Detroit Auto Show. This was really something. My Dad was head of a car company, you know, he made Ramblers. And we were escorted from the hotel with a police escort, motorcycles, awfully cool, even though we had to go in a Rambler. So exciting.

"But a lot has changed since then, as you know, and not all of it is good. Michigan is enduring a one-state recession, and the problem has only been exacerbated by poor choices made by some of the leaders in Lansing to raise taxes and take that course instead of cutting spending.

"Unemployment, now you know these numbers, unemployment at 7.4% is in the basement of the entire country. A state agency just this week forecast that next year it's going to go to 8.2% and after that 8.7% the year after.

"And the question is, what has Washington done with this looming, not looming, this existing crisis, this recession, what has Washington done to help? The answer is not very much at all.

"In fact, in face of all of the existing burdens that weigh down our domestic auto industry, instead of throwing over a life preserver, Washington has dropped yet another anvil on Michigan with higher CAFE standards. And now, it's passively sitting back to see if the car companies can swim. And the answer is: just barely.

"A lot of Washington politicians are aware of the pain, but they haven't done anything about it. And of course, I hear people from time to time say, 'Well, that's Michigan's problem.' Or, they say something like, 'Well, it's the car companies. They just brought it on themselves.'

"But that's where they're wrong. What Michigan is feeling will be felt by the entire nation unless we win the economic battle here. Michigan is a bit like the canary in the mine shaft. What's hurting Michigan, if it's left unchecked, will ultimately imperil the entire nation.

"What's at stake here, in fact, is even larger than that. It's even larger than an industry and a state. The world is seeing the beginning of a global competitive struggle. It pits at least four major economic strategies against each other, and each of them has far reaching consequences for the peace of the planet, the prosperity, and security of America and the world.

"Our strategy - the American strategy - you know well. It is economic freedom combined with personal freedom. That's our strategy.

"China's strategy is Communism combined with an unbridled morphing of free enterprise. China doesn't flinch at buying oil from the genocidal Sudanese government or selling nuclear technology to the Iranians who threaten genocide. Today, China alone accounts for one-third of our trade imbalance as a nation.

"There's a third strategy; it's based on the control of energy and oil. It's pursued by a resurgent Russia, by Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, by Iran's President Ahmadinejad. Today, as you know, our energy purchases account for another one-third of our trade imbalance.

"The fourth strategy that's being pursued is radical, violent Jihadism. It is a very different campaign. It wants to return the world to the economy and the human condition of the Dark Ages. Violent Jihadism has cost America this year more in our treasure than even our purchases of oil. And, of course, much more, it has cost the lives of our countrymen, and other people throughout the world.

"We're accustomed as a people to measuring our national security in terms of missiles and aircraft and defense spending. But I would suggest that as we look down the lane for this next century, a better measure of our national security is the health of our economy. You cannot have a first-tier military and have a second-tier economy. The Soviet Union learned that the hard way and Ronald Reagan taught it to them.

"Michigan's economic worries should be America's worries. I don't know about the Washington politicians, but I can tell you this: if I am President, I will not rest until Michigan has come back!

"I am convinced that Michigan can once again lead the world's automotive industry. But it means we're going to have to change things in Washington. We're going to have to go from politicians who say they are 'aware' of Michigan's problems to have a President instead who will actually take action to do something about them.

"Let me tell you some of the places where I'd start.

"First of all, we have to be honest about the problems we have and tackle them head on. If I'm President of this country, I will roll up my sleeves in the first 100 days I'm in office, and I will personally bring together industry, labor, Congressional and state leaders and together we will develop a plan to rebuild America's automotive leadership. It will be a plan that works for Michigan and that works for the American taxpayer.

"And as part of this, we will directly address and rectify the enormous product cost and capital cost disadvantages that currently burden the domestic automakers. From legacy costs, to health care costs, to increased CAFE standard costs, to the cost of embedded taxes, Detroit can only thrive if Washington is an engaged partner, not a disinterested observer. The plan is going to have to include increases in funding for automotive related research as well as new tax benefits including making the Research and Development Tax Credit permanent.

"I am not open to a bail out, but I am open to a work out. Washington should not be a benefactor, but it can and must be a partner.

"But that's only one step. Washington also has to stop loading Detroit down with unfunded mandates. Of course, we all want fuel mileage to rise, but discontinuous CAFE leaps, uncoordinated with the domestic manufacturers, and absent consideration of competitiveness, kills jobs and imperils the entire industry. Washington dictated CAFE is not the right answer.

"We also have to stop Washington politicians from imposing enormous unilateral energy costs on American manufacturing, including automotive manufacturing. For example, the McCain-Lieberman bill pending in Congress unilaterally imposes new high energy costs on U.S. manufacturers, with no safety valve. The Energy Information Agency estimated that this bill would raise electric rates by as much as 25% and gasoline by as much as 68 cents a gallon. And their estimate of the cost in U.S. jobs -- 300,000 jobs. So it's not just a job killer, it would also make it harder for families to make their ends meet.

"Now of course we have to tackle the threat of climate change. But we don't call it America warming, we call it global warming. Placing caps and taxes on the U.S. alone just drives manufacturers to China and India, and does little more than make Washington politicians feel welcome at the embassy cocktail parties.

"Next, and you've heard this before, there is more healthcare cost in an automobile than steel costs. We got healthcare insurance premiums down in my state and we got everyone on track to be insured. We will work to do the same here and for the rest of the nation.

"And then a final burden, it's time to fix the tax code. Corporations, like individuals, need lower and simpler taxes. Embedded taxes put our products at a disadvantage in our home market and wherever they compete around the world. When we send for example, a Ford Mustang overseas, it's not just loaded with accessories. It's loaded with our excessive healthcare costs, our excessive regulatory burdens, our excessive legal liability burden, and the taxes paid by every single automotive supplier to help put product into that car. You take off those burdens and let's show them how fast a Mustang will actually go.

"Of course, taking off those burdens is only part of the solution. If we're going to be the world's greatest economic power, we also have to invest in the future. It's time for us to be bold. I will make a five-fold increase - from $4 billion to $20 billion - in our national investment in energy research, fuel technology, materials science, and automotive technology. Let's invest in our future.

"As you know, research spins out new ideas for new products, from both small businesses and large businesses. That's exactly what's happened in healthcare. We spend what $30 billion a year in NIH, and we lead the world in healthcare products. In defense, we spend even more. We lead the world in defense products. We also spend money in the space industry. And we lead the world in products coming out of space. Look how industries in these other states that have those advantages that thrive from the spin of other technologies, from our investment there. So if we can invest in healthcare, and defense, and space, why not also invest in energy and fuel technology right here in Michigan?

"Michigan can be a laboratory, just like other states - a drawing board, from which we can invent the future.

"Second, we'll turn government workforce training programs that are managed by bureaucrats, into personal accounts that can be managed by the workers themselves so they can gain education at community college or they can pay for on-the-job training in real jobs.

"There are currently some 40 different workforce training programs in government spread out all over the entire federal government. Now let's replace the bureaucracy and the bureaucrats with personal responsibility and individual ownership.

"Long term, we're only going to lead the world only if our students coming in now are the best-educated in the world. And you know this, almost every independent group that's looked at our public schools has said that we're falling behind international standards. And their number one prescription time and again - treat teachers like the real professionals they are. Better teachers should be better paid. Teachers should also be evaluated and promoted. And, here's a novel idea, education of our children should come ahead of the interests of the teacher's union.

"And finally, we have to shape America's trade policy to open markets for our goods and level the playing field across the world. For America to remain the world's superpower, we have to remain the world's economic superpower. And that requires us to successfully compete everywhere in the world.

"However, as we pursue new trade agreements, I'm far less interested in just getting an agreement signed than I am in getting an agreement signed that is good for America. I promise you that any nation that unfairly manipulates its currency, steals our patents and designs, dumps unsafe products in our markets, or stifles the American goods in their market place, will face a very aggressive President across the negotiating table.

"Now let me be clear, I strongly support free trade, but free trade has to be fair in both directions. And when the playing field is level, America can compete with any country in the world. And we will win.

"I came here about a year ago and talked about a number of actions which I thought were necessary to keep our national economy strong. I talked about cutting spending in Washington, about across the board tax cuts, about national tort reform liability, and I also talked about entitlement reform. But these aren't enough. What we face here in Michigan and what we face around the country if we don't take action here in Michigan, is a far more complex set of problems than most politicians have been willing to acknowledge.

"There is no one silver bullet. When it comes to getting Michigan back on track and building a strong America, we have to address every single problem I've spoken about. And I will.

"And by the way, that's what I have done all my life. I've taken on complex situations, led tough negotiations, found solutions, and then gotten things back on track. That was the job that I had as a leader in the business world, and then as the head of the Olympics in Salt Lake City, and of course as Governor of Massachusetts.

"And I am the only candidate with that kind of experience, and frankly, that's exactly the kind of experience that Michigan and America needs in the White House today.

"Now, I know that there are some people who don't think that there's a future for the domestic automobile industry. They think that the industry and its jobs are gone forever. And they're wrong.

"Innovation and change present the opportunity for transformation. And the burdens on American manufacturing are largely imposed by government, and new leadership in Washington can lift the burdens and lift the industry.

"Washington politicians look at Michigan and they see a rust belt. But the real rust is in Washington.

"The pessimist will point to an empty factory and a laid-off worker and say they have no future.

"Instead, I see vital infrastructure, a skilled workforce, and an innovative spirit, all worthy of an optimistic vision, and deserving of a leader who will work tirelessly to deliver the power and potential of Michigan and the American people.

"The pessimist says that the hundreds of thousands of jobs that have been lost, have been lost forever. That logic of course says that the 200 jobs that were lost last week at Willow Run, they're lost forever too. And by the way, that logic would also say that all the rest of the jobs in the auto industry will one day be gone forever, and there's nothing that can be done about it.

"Well, the pessimists are wrong. The auto industry and all its jobs do not have to be lost. And I am one man who will work to transform the industry and save those jobs.

"Now, after this speech, I am going to do with my son Tagg, who's sitting right there, what my Dad did with me 50 years ago. We're going to go to the International Auto Show where I will show him the best of today and the vision of what we can be tomorrow.

"And the next time I visit the Auto Show here in Detroit, I hope it will be as the President of the United States. Thank you so much. Thank you!"

And He's Off: Romney in Florida




Romney's third victory of the Republican presidential race, following the Michigan primary on Tuesday and Wyoming caucuses on Jan. 5, more firmly established him as a top contender.

Mitt Romney notched an easy win yesterday in the lightly contested Nevada caucuses, but finished fourth in the fiercely fought South Carolina primary, a mixed result that sets him up for a major battle in Florida.

Even as he celebrated his win, Romney set his sights on the Jan. 29 Florida primary, the next big prize and the gateway to Super Tuesday on Feb. 5. He drew 600 supporters to a rally at the University of North Florida last night and plans to embark on a bus tour across the state tomorrow. He said he may not campaign outside Florida until after the vote.

"Well, I'd love to win Florida, of course," Romney said at a Jacksonville airport, immediately after landing on a chartered flight from Las Vegas. "It's a very big state with a lot of delegates, and I care very much about Florida."

Romney won the support of 51 percent of Nevada caucus-goers, but only 15 percent of South Carolina voters. With the addition of 17 of Nevada's 31 delegates to his tally, Romney extended his lead in the overall race for delegates. Florida - where recent polls suggest a tight four-way race among Romney, Rudy Giuliani, Mike Huckabee, and John McCain - will award 57 more.

His rivals will need to raise millions of dollars to compete through Feb. 5, but Romney has the advantage of being able to dip again into his personal fortune.

Romney focused on winning Nevada because it was friendlier territory and had more delegates than South Carolina, which awards 24. The race is so wide open that Romney's aides believe that the Republican National Convention in September might be brokered, if no candidate has the nomination locked up.

In South Carolina, Romney finished behind McCain, Huckabee, and Fred Thompson, who had been warring there for weeks. Romney campaigned less aggressively in the state, gambling that a clear win in Nevada would be more important for him than bragging rights from the first Southern primary, which every GOP nominee has won since 1980.

Besides Romney, only Ron Paul, who finished a distant second, made a serious effort in Nevada's GOP caucuses, but Romney insisted the absence of major rivals did not make his victory any less meaningful.

"From my standpoint, that was good news, not bad news," he said. "I'm pleased that I was able to win in this state, get good support here, and underscore the fact that I'm competing in all the states."

Romney built his win in the Silver State with support from across demographic groups. But fellow Mormons played a particularly significant role. About 25 percent of those attending the caucuses were Mormon, and more than nine in 10 voted for Romney, according to the preliminary results of an entrance poll conducted for the Associated Press and the television networks. About half of Romney's support came from Mormons, the survey suggested.

Romney downplayed those figures, saying he believes voters choose candidates based on their qualifications, not their religion. Still, his win underscored yet again the striking role of religion in the Republican race.

Nevada has the fourth-highest concentration of Mormons of any state, about 9 percent of its population. Romney made it a priority, particularly after South Carolina's large population of evangelicals flocked to Huckabee, a former Baptist minister. Evangelical voters also helped power Huckabee to a win over Romney in Iowa.

"There will always be some people whose vote will be shaped by the faith of the candidate," Romney said. "I don't think that's the majority of the country."

In Nevada, Romney also had a slight lead among non-Mormons and ran even with Huckabee among evangelicals, according to the entrance poll.

Romney received word of his win a bit awkwardly while he was flying from Las Vegas to Florida. At the time, he was sitting on an armrest in the rear of the plane, briefing reporters on a $233 billion economic stimulus plan he released yesterday. His wife, Ann, got on the public address system and said she had announcement to make. Looking somewhat annoyed, Romney raised his hand and told her not to interrupt. But she went ahead and said Fox News had just declared him the winner in Nevada. Air traffic controllers had radioed the news to the flight crew.

"That is a good announcement. Got any more good ones? Keep them coming," Romney said with a muted enthusiasm that reflected what was essentially a foregone conclusion.

The economic stimulus package buttresses Romney's chief message since his Michigan victory: that his business experience makes him the best candidate to create jobs and strengthen the ailing economy.

The package would cut the lowest individual income tax rate from 10 percent to 7.5 percent, eliminate payroll taxes on employees over age 65, and reduce the top corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent over two years. Romney said his plan would give corporations more incentives to hire workers than the $145 billion plan President Bush proposed .

Michael Levenson can be reached at mlevenson@globe.com.

Thursday, January 17, 2008

A little Romney Bashing? We'll even take on Chuck if we have to.



"Whoever wins Iowa could be the next president of the United States," said Democratic consultant Stephanie Cutter, adding that a compressed election schedule may put a premium on momentum this year "and Iowa can be a rocket booster."

Much is at stake: Iowa kicks off the election process Thursday with Democratic and Republican caucuses that could propel two candidates to the nomination.

Mike Huckabee says John McCain is a hero. McCain says Huckabee is a good man. And they both seem to agree on this: Mitt Romney is neither.

The Republican rivals joined Sunday to criticize Romney - McCain in New Hampshire called him a waffler, and Huckabee in Iowa questioned whether he can be trusted with the presidency, a sign of Romney's strength in both states.

Romney's camp accused the hard-charging Huckabee of "testiness and irritability," a reflection of the brass-knuckles phase of the most open presidential race in half a century.

New Hampshire votes just five days after Iowa.

The dynamics aren't quite the same on the Republican side, but GOP consultant Scott Reed said Iowa "is going to make or break three-quarters of all the candidates."

Polls show that Democrats Hillary Rodham Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards are tied for the lead in Iowa. Clinton and Obama are bunched closely in New Hampshire, too, where voters often are influenced by the results in Iowa.

The Democratic winner in Iowa will be hard to stop, especially if it's a well-funded Clinton or Obama.

As six candidates offered their closing messages on the morning talk shows, Obama acknowledged that the criticism about lack of experience in Washington might be taking a toll.

"That may have some effect, but ultimately I'm putting my faith in the people of Iowa and the people of America that they want something better," Obama told NBC's Meet the Press.

Playing the experience card, Clinton told ABC's This Week that as first lady from 1993-2001 she was "intimately involved in so much that went on in the White House, here at home and around the world."

Identity Crisis In Republican Party: Will it be Romney in 08?

The former governor of Massachusetts used his local ties to Michigan, a state in which he spent the first 19 years of his life, as well as populist anti-Washington rhetoric to achieve an unexpectedly commanding victory over his main rival, John McCain. The final results put Romney on 39%, McCain on 30% and Mike Huckabee on 16%.

The crisis of identity within the heart of the US Republican party has sharply intensified with the victory in the Michigan primary on Tuesday night of Mitt Romney - a result which has thrown the race for the presidential nomination wide open and left the party mired in confusion about the way ahead.

The Michigan result leaves the Republicans with no clear frontrunner and none of the momentum from early races that traditionally drives a candidate towards the finishing line. The first three major elections have had three separate winners - Huckabee in Iowa, McCain in New Hampshire and now Romney in Michigan.

"The race has moved from a sprint to a marathon," the chairman of the Michigan Republican party, Saulius Anuzis, told the Guardian.

All eyes now turn to Saturday's Republican primary in South Carolina. But even in that southern state the party appears to be in the mood more for a muddle than a coronation. Both Huckabee, the ordained Baptist minister and former governor of Arkansas, and McCain, senator for Arizona, are vowing they will win.

Romney, McCain, Huckabee and Fred Thompson were all out on the stump throughout the state yesterday. South Carolina is the first of the contests to be held in the South and the state has a reputation for political brutality and dirty tricks. An early taste came in a flier being distributed by a group calling itself Vietnam Veterans Against John McCain claiming he betrayed his fellow PoWs during his years in jail in Hanoi.

Huckabee said he would "put a flag in the ground here Saturday", while McCain used his concession speech on Tuesday night to declare that "starting tomorrow, we're going to win South Carolina".

TIME: Romney in 08

Mitt Romney's Presidential campaign had asked for some old family photos, which is why, not long ago, the candidate happened to be going through mementos he had dumped on his dining-room table. In one of the boxes, he came across a letter he recognized well: typewritten, single-spaced, six pages long. He has read it so many times that he can recite parts of it by heart. Romney first opened it four decades ago, when he was in France doing Mormon missionary work. The letter was from the father he had idolized growing up, and still does, the man he has described as "the definition of a successful human." This, however, was an epistle about failure — about the one time his father had attempted something big and fallen short.

There was so much to tell the son who had been spared by distance from having to witness the father's humiliation, but the most important thing George Romney wanted Mitt to know was that he had no regrets. "Your mother and I are not personally distressed. As a matter of fact, we are relieved," he wrote on the last page. "We went into this not because we aspired to the office, but simply because we felt that under the circumstances we would not feel right if we did not offer our service. As I have said on many occasions, I aspired, and though I achieved not, I am satisfied."

If you are under 60, you probably don't have much of an idea who George Romney was. But early on in the wrenching election of 1968, the dynamic and visionary Michigan Governor was leading the field for the Republican Presidential nomination. Most accounts at the time and since would blame his stumble on a rash, candid admission to a local television interviewer that his initial support of the Vietnam War was the result of "brainwashing" by the generals and the diplomats. But it has also become clear that there were larger forces at work against him. George Romney was a member of the party's liberal wing; he had withheld his support from Barry Goldwater in 1964 over civil rights. But by 1968 that strain of progressive Republicanism was starting to wither. Richard Nixon's triumph would be called a realignment, a no-looking-back turn to the right for the Republicans.

Now Mitt is the Romney who wants to be President — and once again it comes at a moment that has the potential to redefine the Republican Party. He has surprised the party's top contenders by raising more than $21 million, easily outpacing John McCain's anemic $13 million and Rudy Giuliani's $16 million. He's leading the other Republicans in one New Hampshire poll. And in the recent Republican debate, when the 2008 field was first lined up onstage, he was widely proclaimed the winner because of his Presidential bearing. The shell-shocked G.O.P. is looking away from Washington for a fresh face, a miracle-worker résumé and a big dollop of charisma. Could Mitt Romney be The One?

A FATHER'S LESSON

The morning after he found that letter again, Romney was headed to Iowa for the 16th time in the past two years. "The older I get, the smarter Dad is," Romney said. "I pattern myself like him — his character, his sense of vision, his sense of purpose."

But if there's anything the psychodrama of the two Bush presidencies should have taught us, it is that what fathers bequeath their sons is complicated. When you look at the old pictures of George Romney, it is impossible to miss the physical resemblance — the chiseled jaw, the bountiful hair, the athlete's bearing. At every turn, Mitt Romney has steered his life into his father's groove, becoming a leader in the Mormon Church, a business whiz, a Republican Governor who defied his party's orthodoxy and won in a Democratic state. Each engineered the spectacular rescue of a failing enterprise: the elder Romney, a car company; the younger one, the 2002 Winter Olympics. And now, at 60, Mitt is the age his father was when he ran for President, almost to the month. Romney sees it too, as he told George Stephanopoulos on ABC, "My dad, I mean, I am a small shadow of the real deal."

Whether Romney 2.0 is a real deal is precisely what everyone wants to know these days. Beyond the appearance and the résumé lies perhaps an important difference from the earlier Romney. Whereas George stood firm and true against the prevailing political winds, Mitt seems as if he can dress himself as a politician for any season. You can't help wondering whether what he learned from his father's steadfastness was an object lesson in what not to do if he doesn't want to end up as a footnote in someone else's Presidential memoirs.

Running in liberal Massachusetts, Mitt Romney insisted that, despite his personal pro-life beliefs, "abortion should be safe and legal in this country ... I sustain and support that law, and the right of a woman to make that choice." Currently playing on YouTube is an artfully edited video of a debate from his 1994 Senate campaign (an instance in which Romney made a career move his father hadn't, and lost to Ted Kennedy). In it, Romney declares of his pro-choice abortion stand, "You will not see me wavering on that or be a multiple choice." He cites his mother, who ran unsuccessfully for the Senate from Michigan in 1970 as an abortion-rights advocate, and the searing tragedy of his brother-in-law's teenage sister — "a dear, close family relative who was very close to me" — who died of a botched illegal abortion in the 1960s.

Those close to Romney doubt he was ever as committedly pro-choice as those comments might have made him seem. More likely, this school of thought argues, Romney figured abortion restrictions were not apt to come to the Governor's desk in a state as liberal as Massachusetts. Says longtime friend Joel Peterson, founder of a Salt Lake City equity firm: "He knew that they would never come up for a vote, so he took it off the table. Does that sound politically expedient? Maybe."

Now that he is in a Presidential primary battle in which Evangelicals account for a quarter of the electorate, however, Romney says the landmark Supreme Court decision on abortion, Roe v. Wade, has "cheapened the value of human life." And that's not the only place where he seems to have retrofitted his views to the tastes of the voters he is trying to win. Whereas Romney dedicated himself in Massachusetts to "full equality for America's gay and lesbian citizens," he now describes himself as "a champion of traditional marriage." As a candidate for Governor in a state known as Taxachusetts, Romney dismissed the idea of an antitax pledge as a gimmick and refused to sign it; as a G.O.P. presidential contender, he was the first in the 2008 field to put his name on one.

In Massachusetts he bucked the National Rifle Association by supporting the Brady Bill and an assault-weapons ban, boasting, "I don't line up with the N.R.A." Lately what he brags about is that he joined the gun-rights organization as a life member — last August. Romney has been so eager to prove his Second Amendment bona fides that he boasted in New Hampshire, "I've been a hunter pretty much all my life." But then his campaign admitted he had actually hunted only twice, once as a teenager and then last year, on a trip with G.O.P. donors. That was followed by still more clarification: Romney insisted he has hunted small animals for many years, though he does not actually own a firearm. "Leave it to Mitt Romney to shoot himself in the foot with a gun he doesn't own," wrote Boston Globe columnist Joan Vennochi.

As you compare what he stood for in Massachusetts with what he says now, it seems fair to ask, Was Mitt Romney telling us the truth about himself then, or is he telling it now? What is flexibility, and what is expediency? Romney insists that everything he has said has come from his heart. On some issues, he argues, the landscape changed, not he. When he spoke out in 1994 in favor of civil rights for gays — a position he says he still holds — gay marriage was not even on the political or judicial radar screen. In other instances, he says, his opponents are finding contradictions where they don't exist. While his views don't in fact line up with the N.R.A.'s on every issue, he says, he has always supported the basic right to bear arms. "You can make the same statement, and if someone's going to write a story, they'll cover one part of the sentence instead of the other, and they'll say, 'Oh, it's different now,'" he tells me, but adds with his typical unflappability, "That's the nature of politics. I don't particularly mind that."

On abortion, Romney says he simply changed his mind. He recalls that it happened in a single revelatory moment, during a Nov. 9, 2004, meeting with an embryonic-stem-cell researcher who said he didn't believe therapeutic cloning presented a moral issue because the embryos were destroyed at 14 days. "It hit me very hard that we had so cheapened the value of human life in a Roe v. Wade environment that it was important to stand for the dignity of human life," Romney says. "We learn with experience. We gain perspective over time, but the principles remain the same. I have a number of principles, and the principles remain the same."

Can Romney convince voters there is indeed a core somewhere in the middle of all those contortions? That challenge could determine whether he's in the race for the long haul or just an early, forgettable flash. Of the many reasons the last Presidential candidate from Massachusetts lost, nothing was so devastating as the 13 words John Kerry would give anything to take back: "I actually did vote for the $87 billion before I voted against it." But given that we've had three years since then to reckon with the consequences of inflexibility on Iraq, maybe there isn't the same price to be paid for reinvention.

It remains to be seen, though, how Romney's transformation will wash with conservative voters. "He does not appear to be credible in his deathbed conversionsb — pro-life, anti-homosexual agenda and so on," says Paul Weyrich, a founder of the Heritage Foundation and the Moral Majority, the intellectual and religious bulwarks of what was once known as the New Right. "People simply do not believe him."

Others do see a consistency, if not in where he has been then at least in the direction in which Romney is going. With McCain, there is an ideological drift that makes him harder to peg or predict, as he sides with conservatives on issues like abortion and against them on the question of a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage and on filibustering judicial nominees. "To me, [Romney's evolution] shows that he's at least willing to listen and change. I see it as sincere," says former South Carolina Congressman Tommy Hartnett, a Catholic who has endorsed Romney in that early-primary state.

THE VENTURE CAPITALIST

Romney's training for this race started early. He was 15 when his father ran for Governor in a state in which no Republican had held the job in 14 years. Mitt worked the campaign switchboard and traveled the county-fair circuit in a Ford microvan. George put Mitt to work at the "Romney for Governor" booths, shouting over a microphone and loudspeaker system, "You should vote for my father for Governor. He's a truly great person. You've got to support him. He's going to make things better." Mitt realizes now that his dad had something in mind beyond his own political career: "He was teaching me how to get out there."

Willard Mitt — who was called Billy until he was old enough to protest that he liked his middle name better — was the baby of the family, whose arrival six years after his three siblings' is remembered as a shock and a miracle. When Mitt was 7, George took over a failing car company called American Motors and introduced a radical design concept in the era of soaring tail fins and acres of chrome: something he called the "compact car," a sedan built on a smaller frame to be cheaper.

The Rambler turned out to be a hit, in no small part because George Romney turned it into a crusade as well as a business. He made the cover of TIME in a 1959 story that described him as "a broad-shouldered, Bible-quoting broth of a man who burns brightly with the fire of missionary zeal." TIME noted that George Romney was a particular hit at women's clubs, where he would fix them with "his blue-grey eyes" and say, "Ladies, why do you drive such big cars? You don't need a monster to go to the drugstore for a package of hairpins. Think of the gas bills!" Turning those sales techniques to politics wasn't much of a stretch.

One thing he was willing to stretch, or at least test, was the U.S. Constitution. It is debatable whether George, having been born to U.S. expatriates in Mexico, fit the Article II requirement that a President be a "natural born Citizen." His son was asked at the first Republican debate whether that requirement should be changed to allow, say, Austrian-born California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to run. "Probably not," Mitt answered.

Being Mormon made the family unusual in tony Bloomfield Hills, though Mitt doesn't remember anything that felt like ostracism at his élite prep school, Cranbrook. (Then again, he was the Governor's son.) "My faith was not a burden to me. I didn't smoke and I didn't drink, and that was about it" in distinguishing him from his classmates socially, he says. "I think it's a helpful thing for the development of the character of a young person to be different from their peers. It's a blessing to be different and stand up for that."

The closest he has ever come to a personal religious crisis, he recalls, was when he was in college and considering whether to go off on a mission, as his grandfather, father and brother had done. Mitt was deeply in love with Ann, his high school sweetheart and future wife, and couldn't bear to spend more than two years away from her. He says he also felt guilty about the draft deferment he would get for it, when other young men his age were heading for Vietnam. In the end, it was Ann — a convert to Mormonism from having been a once-a-year churchgoing Episcopalian — who persuaded him to go, saying he would always regret it if he didn't. He didn't convert many Frenchmen but found the experience was something that "concentrates the mind," he says. "My faith has been a part of my foundation throughout my life. My faith has made me a better person than I would have been."

After his return and his graduation from college, Mitt and his father didn't see eye to eye on what he should do next. George argued for law school; Mitt wanted to go to business school. So he pursued both degrees simultaneously at Harvard. Romney would immediately put that business degree to spectacularly successful use. But whereas his father had been an industrialist, staking his fortunes on what he produced, Mitt moved first into consulting and then into venture capitalism — a field in which, says his former partner and current campaign chairman Bob White, "you need to be able to quickly recognize a good opportunity. You need to be able to assess it in relatively quick, short time frames." Venture capitalists take big risks, with the hope of even bigger returns, often by dismantling a business, jettisoning what doesn't work, retooling what does and unloading the whole thing at a big profit. Romney's firm Bain Capital started in 1984 with $37 million in assets under management; by the late 1990s, it had billions. One of Romney's biggest achievements was seeing the potential for the office-supply chain Staples in the 1980s, when few could imagine a time businesses wouldn't just get their paper and pens delivered. In describing his own management style, Romney draws none-too-subtle contrasts with the current occupant of the Oval Office. Romney loves "wallowing in the data," he says, and is not comfortable making a decision unless he has heard opposing viewpoints. "I will insist on someone disagreeing," Romney adds, "and then I want to insist on data and analysis."

But by the late 1990s, he was getting restless with his lucrative business career. His 1994 Senate race against Kennedy had given him a political bug, and though he lost, 58% to 41%, he got close enough in the pre-election polls to give the liberal lion a scare. (The final outcome was Kennedy's closest race since his first election, in 1962.) Then Romney's biggest turnaround opportunity presented itself. In 1999 he was recruited to take over the scandal-ridden Salt Lake City Winter Olympics and dig it out of a nearly $400 million operating deficit by 2002. The zest with which he did it, rallying 23,000 volunteers behind him, made him a celebrity, with an added aura of grace for having pulled it off in the aftermath of 9/11.

The torch had barely been extinguished when Romney decided to take another shot at politics, again with the opportunistic instincts of a venture capitalist. He muscled aside a vulnerable G.O.P. incumbent, acting Governor Jane Swift, after promising not to run against her; then he sideswiped Democrat Shannon O'Brien. After she accused him of trying to "mask a very conservative set of belief systems," Romney called her "unbecoming," leaving the impression that he considered it a none-too-veiled attack on his religion. He won, 50% to 45%, carrying many of the Democratic areas of the state.

Critics say his four years in office produced very little. "There's two ways to look at this guy. One is that the glass is half empty. The other is that the glass is totally empty," says Stephen Crosby, a Republican who served in the Swift administration and is now dean of the graduate school of policy studies at the University of Massachusetts, Boston. Romney's ads and campaign speeches boast of engineering an economic turnaround. But Michael Widmer, president of the nonpartisan Massachusetts Taxpayers Foundation, points out that the state has lagged most others in job growth. And while Romney closed a $3 billion deficit without raising taxes, he did it in part by raising numerous fees, as well as shifting some of the burden by cutting aid to cities and municipalities.

Interestingly, the biggest accomplishment of his tenure — the state's new health-care program — is something he rarely mentions on the trail, perhaps because the program is turning out to be more expensive than advertised and perhaps because "universal health care" is a rallying cry associated more with Hillary Clinton than with any Republican politician. Though the final deal was cut by the Democratic legislature, officials in Massachusetts say it couldn't have happened if Romney had not championed the concept of universal health coverage with voters and businesses. The Governor was also the one who put on the table the idea of requiring individuals to buy health insurance if they were not covered by their employers — a move that gave Democrats the political cover they needed to put other controversial parts of the plan into place.

What rankles many in Massachusetts is that the liberal state has become the butt of many of Romney's jokes. But it did give Romney an opportunity to take the national stage on a pair of social issues that matter a lot to conservatives: stem-cell research and gay marriage. When the Massachusetts Supreme Court ruled on Nov. 18, 2003, that the state constitution mandates gay marriage, he undertook to amend the constitution to ban it. He also called for a federal constitutional amendment, getting to the right of McCain on the issue. And he went to war with the Democratic legislature over stem-cell research, though his position on that issue is not entirely consistent with that of pro-life groups. Romney — whose wife suffers from multiple sclerosis — supports the use of embryos harvested but not used for in vitro fertilization. He's not for cloning.

All of which, conveniently enough, prepared him for the place he finds himself in today, claiming the mantle of a true conservative in a Republican primary that has lacked one. Romney says he wants voters to see "somebody who has unusual experience managing tough situations." He even titled his Olympics memoir Turnaround. The question he must answer now, however, is whether that describes what he can accomplish — or what he is willing to do to get elected.

Californians for Romney in 08

California is not a swing state but a “swung” state: It has bestowed its 55 electoral votes on Democrats in every presidential election since 1988. Before ‘88, it elected Republican presidents six straight times.

The Golden State, then, has shifted reliably into the Democratic column, so much so that it’s now taken for granted by the Party of Jackson.

Therein lies a glimmer of opportunity for the GOP, though. If a Republican candidate could land California, or even come close, he could wreak havoc at the DNC. This horrific prospect has provided dramatic fodder for The West Wing’s current season, where a (moderate) Republican senator from California is the favorite to capture his home state and with it the presidency.

Could life imitate art? Possibly, if Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney has anything to say about it. Romney recently paid a visit to the Golden State to participate in the meeting of the Republican Governors’ Association, of which he was named chairman.

I heard him speak at a meeting of the Fairbanks Republican Women Federated (FRWF), one of the most successful groups of its kind. His movie-star-handsome looks render him instantly appealing, at least superficially, in a state like California.

But Romney’s potential appeal to residents of our most populous state runs deeper than appearances. Although he is increasingly socially conservative, Romney’s background and governing style — not to mention the fawning profiles that have graced the pages of both liberal and conservative magazines — suggest he might command support in California.

For one thing, the Massachusetts governor is a minority in more ways than one. As a Mormon and as a Republican in a Democratic state, he can relate to feelings of alienation from the mainstream, an ability that will promote at least a perception of his tolerance and openness — both musts in California. Perceptions matter — again, especially in California — and anything that may undercut a simplistic dismissal of him as Yet Another White Man will help. Perhaps unwittingly, Romney uses phrases like “tiny minority position” to describe his political situation.

Furthermore, his ability to run a state successfully despite the overwhelming political odds stacked against him will stand him well in a state where another Republican governor faces a similar predicament. The Massachusetts legislature is 85-percent Democratic; its entire congressional delegation are Democrats. Romney calls himself “a red speck in a blue state,” which is another way of saying that he’s able to maintain his redness while still working with the blue around him.

And indeed the governor’s experience as chief executive of Massachusetts has been largely successful. He touts practical solutions that he arrived at in conjunction with the legislature, such as reforming the way the homeless are sheltered — namely, scrapping the wasteful hotel program and helping them find long-term residences — and jiggering the educational system to foster progress in math and science (on a 2005 national test, Bay State students ranked first or tied for first in math and most other subjects).

Moreover, while the governor often describes himself as a social conservative (his abortion position — a promise not to violate the state’s “status quo”is a matter of some controversy), he displays a pragmatic side even when it comes to divisive issues like stem-cell research.

He also approaches cultural issues with friendly, hard-to-disagree-with rhetoric. At the FRWF speech, he heaped praise upon David Landes’s “The Wealth and Poverty of Nations,” a magisterial book stressing the importance of cultural norms to economic development. He quoted Abigail Adams’s observation that “great necessities call out great virtues.” And he urged the crowd, in his own words, to “live by principles higher than ourselves.” Culture, virtue, principles — these phrases may be anathema to the California Left but, when presented with Romney’s thousand-watt smile, can easily be swallowed by the vast middle.

Romney’s experience as a chief executive in real life presents another appealing aspect to his persona. As the founder of Bain Capital and a successful businessman of his own making, he would be an apt replacement for the first “MBA president.”

And, finally, Romney’s career offers an X-factor of which no other Republican in the field can boast. As detailed in an eloquent introduction by Hawaii Governor Linda Lingle (incidentally, the first-ever female, Jewish, Republican, and non-Oahuan governor of the Aloha State), Romney fished out the 2002 Salt Lake Olympic Games from a filthy cesspool of corruption. He swooped in, cleaned house, and prepared a successful Games while avoiding the long shadow cast by both the Salt Lake shenanigans and 9/11.

With some conservatives worried about serious Republican electoral trouble because of a growing number of bribery, money laundering, illegal lobbying, and obstruction of justice scandals embroiling many key figures in the GOP (in California, it’s not just the Republicans enduring such problems), Romney’s D.C.-free whistle-clean image, coupled with his proven ability to transcend a corrupt mess, may prove a tempting antidote. Hopefully the pundits are wrong and the scandals will have little impact in 2006. But if they do, Mitt will be waiting in the wings.

In the end, could Romney, who hasn’t yet stated whether he’ll run for president, return the Golden State to the GOP? Well, to be honest, probably not. But he may well represent the Republicans’ best shot.

Michael M. Rosen is an attorney in San Diego and heads the Republican Jewish Coalition’s San Diego chapter. The views expressed are his own.

Written by Ann Marie Curling

You Decide--Romney in 08

Mitt Romney’s resounding win in Michigan throws the Republican race wide open heading into Saturday’s South Carolina primary — the first test in the South — and the marathon of primaries and caucuses Feb. 5.

The same holds true on the Democratic side, where the top three candidates — Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards — squared off in Nevada for a debate Tuesday night to hash out differences over energy and the economy in the runup to that state’s Saturday caucuses.

With three Republican candidates now carrying major wins under their belts, most of the GOP field shifted gears to South Carolina before the final votes in Michigan’s primary were cast, sparing little time for recovery as they tried to gain momentum going into Super Tuesday Feb. 5, when 24 states hold primaries and caucuses for Democrats, and 21 are voting in Republican races.

With the robust GOP field refusing to thin, four candidates are effectively scrambling for an edge in the Palmetto State. And each is measuring his confidence differently.

Leery to hype expectations too precipitously following his Michigan victory, Romney told FOX News on Wednesday that he can stomach a loss in South Carolina, even to his chief Michigan rival John McCain. Nonetheless, he has re-launched a series of television ads there after pulling them to focus on Michigan.

In a race with no front-runner, Romney cast the state matches as a series of incremental popularity boosts.

“I think Senator McCain is expected to win South Carolina pretty handily so that will give him a nice little boost,” Romney said. “Then I am hoping to do well in Nevada, maybe win there. That will give me another boost. Then off to Florida and who knows what the heck will happen in Florida.”

An American Research Group poll of Nevada GOP voters taken from Jan. 9-14 shows Romney leading the pack there with 28 percent. McCain was second with 21 percent.

Former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee was less modest in his predictions. The winner of the Iowa caucuses, who came in third in Michigan and is second only to Romney in the convention delegate count, said he’s proud of his Michigan performance but he’s a shoo-in for South Carolina.

“Here is what is going to happen. We are going to get to South Carolina … We are going to win Saturday, and it’s going to be a big night for us,” he said. The Southern Baptist pastor stopped short of calling it a must-win, but repeated he will take the state because of his closely held social conservative tenets.

“The people here are looking for somebody who I think recognizes that I represent what they stand for, which is a pro-life, pro-family, pro-Second Amendment, lower taxes, actual running of government,” he said.

McCain predicted he too would prevail in South Carolina, the state that derailed his candidacy eight years ago.

Out of Michigan before the polls closed, McCain told South Carolina supporters: “For a minute there in New Hampshire, I thought this campaign might be getting easier. But you know what? We’ve gotten pretty good at doing things the hard way, too. I think we’ve shown them we don’t mind a fight.”

Polls still show McCain, whose once crumbling campaign rebounded to grab New Hampshire Jan. 8, leading in the state.

South Carolina poll averages from RealClearPolitics.com show McCain with 25.8 percent, Huckabee with 23.3 percent, Romney with 15.3 percent and former Tennessee Sen. Fred Thompson with 10.5 percent.

Thompson, who has yet to win a contest, has said he’s drawing a “line in the sand” in South Carolina.

Former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani and Texas Rep. Ron Paul are trailing in the single digits in the state.

Giuliani, though, has avoided the state and has staked his campaign on his showing in Florida, which votes Jan. 29, hoping a win there will keep him fresh in voters’ minds come Feb. 5.

Among the Democrats, Clinton, Obama and Edwards all squared off for a debate in Las Vegas Tuesday, and all scheduled Nevada events for Wednesday.

Clinton and Obama sought to defuse tension over race at the debate, following comments by Clinton highlighting President Lyndon Johnson’s role in the civil rights struggle that some say minimized grassroots efforts by Martin Luther King Jr.

On Tuesday Obama and Clinton pledged to put the matter behind them.

Clinton won New Hampshire and Obama won Iowa, so each is trying to jockey for position in the upcoming states, while Edwards is still looking for his first win. Clinton also won Michigan, but she was the only major candidate on the ballot. Candidates did not campaign there because the state was stripped of its delegates to the national convention for holding an early primary.

Democratic candidates are stressing economic plans in Nevada and appealing to its large Hispanic population and its union contingent.

Clinton’s got a new ad out in Nevada in which she says she’ll be a voice for the millions of people suffering a troubled economy.

Obama began running two new ads in Nevada Wednesday focusing on his campaign vision of change – through expanding health care, ending the Iraq war and curbing the influence of lobbyists. He also announced the launch of two Spanish-language ads in the state the day before.

The Illinois senator, who has already been endorsed by the powerful Culinary Workers Union in Nevada, was endorsed Wednesday by the Las Vegas Review Journal.

Unlike South Carolina — where polls show Obama leading Clinton and Edwards far behind despite his efforts to revive his campaign in the state — recent Nevada polls show the race more competitive there. The American Research Group poll from Jan. 9-14 showed Clinton with 35 percent, Obama with 32 percent and Edwards with 25 percent.

The South Carolina Democratic primary is Jan. 26.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

Wednesday, January 16, 2008

Romney in 08 Stumping for Faith (Speech Transcript)

Thank you, Mr. President, for your kind introduction.

"It is an honor to be here today. This is an inspiring place because of you and the first lady, and because of the film exhibited across the way in the Presidential library. For those who have not seen it, it shows the President as a young pilot, shot down during the Second World War, being rescued from his life-raft by the crew of an American submarine. It is a moving reminder that when America has faced challenge and peril, Americans rise to the occasion, willing to risk their very lives to defend freedom and preserve our nation. We are in your debt. Thank you, Mr. President.

"Mr. President, your generation rose to the occasion, first to defeat Fascism and then to vanquish the Soviet Union. You left us, your children, a free and strong America. It is why we call yours the greatest generation. It is now my generation's turn. How we respond to today's challenges will define our generation. And it will determine what kind of America we will leave our children, and theirs.

"America faces a new generation of challenges. Radical violent Islam seeks to destroy us. An emerging China endeavors to surpass our economic leadership. And we are troubled at home by government overspending, overuse of foreign oil, and the breakdown of the family.

"Over the last year, we have embarked on a national debate on how best to preserve American leadership. Today, I wish to address a topic which I believe is fundamental to America's greatness: our religious liberty. I will also offer perspectives on how my own faith would inform my presidency, if I were elected.

"There are some who may feel that religion is not a matter to be seriously considered in the context of the weighty threats that face us. If so, they are at odds with the nation's founders, for they, when our nation faced its greatest peril, sought the blessings of the Creator. And further, they discovered the essential connection between the survival of a free land and the protection of religious freedom. In John Adams' words: 'We have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion... Our constitution was made for a moral and religious people.'

"Freedom requires religion just as religion requires freedom. Freedom opens the windows of the soul so that man can discover his most profound beliefs and commune with God. Freedom and religion endure together, or perish alone.

"Given our grand tradition of religious tolerance and liberty, some wonder whether there are any questions regarding an aspiring candidate's religion that are appropriate. I believe there are. And I will answer them today.

"Almost 50 years ago another candidate from Massachusetts explained that he was an American running for president, not a Catholic running for president. Like him, I am an American running for president. I do not define my candidacy by my religion. A person should not be elected because of his faith nor should he be rejected because of his faith.

"Let me assure you that no authorities of my church, or of any other church for that matter, will ever exert influence on presidential decisions. Their authority is theirs, within the province of church affairs, and it ends where the affairs of the nation begin.

"As governor, I tried to do the right as best I knew it, serving the law and answering to the Constitution. I did not confuse the particular teachings of my church with the obligations of the office and of the Constitution - and of course, I would not do so as president. I will put no doctrine of any church above the plain duties of the office and the sovereign authority of the law.

"As a young man, Lincoln described what he called America's 'political religion' - the commitment to defend the rule of law and the Constitution. When I place my hand on the Bible and take the oath of office, that oath becomes my highest promise to God. If I am fortunate to become your president, I will serve no one religion, no one group, no one cause, and no one interest. A president must serve only the common cause of the people of the United States.

"There are some for whom these commitments are not enough. They would prefer it if I would simply distance myself from my religion, say that it is more a tradition than my personal conviction, or disavow one or another of its precepts. That I will not do. I believe in my Mormon faith and I endeavor to live by it. My faith is the faith of my fathers - I will be true to them and to my beliefs.

"Some believe that such a confession of my faith will sink my candidacy. If they are right, so be it. But I think they underestimate the American people. Americans do not respect believers of convenience.

Americans tire of those who would jettison their beliefs, even to gain the world.

"There is one fundamental question about which I often am asked. What do I believe about Jesus Christ? I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and the Savior of mankind. My church's beliefs about Christ may not all be the same as those of other faiths. Each religion has its own unique doctrines and history. These are not bases for criticism but rather a test of our tolerance. Religious tolerance would be a shallow principle indeed if it were reserved only for faiths with which we agree.

"There are some who would have a presidential candidate describe and explain his church's distinctive doctrines. To do so would enable the very religious test the founders prohibited in the Constitution. No candidate should become the spokesman for his faith. For if he becomes president he will need the prayers of the people of all faiths.

"I believe that every faith I have encountered draws its adherents closer to God. And in every faith I have come to know, there are features I wish were in my own: I love the profound ceremony of the Catholic Mass, the approachability of God in the prayers of the Evangelicals, the tenderness of spirit among the Pentecostals, the confident independence of the Lutherans, the ancient traditions of the Jews, unchanged through the ages, and the commitment to frequent prayer of the Muslims. As I travel across the country and see our towns and cities, I am always moved by the many houses of worship with their steeples, all pointing to heaven, reminding us of the source of life's blessings.

"It is important to recognize that while differences in theology exist between the churches in America, we share a common creed of moral convictions. And where the affairs of our nation are concerned, it's usually a sound rule to focus on the latter - on the great moral principles that urge us all on a common course. Whether it was the cause of abolition, or civil rights, or the right to life itself, no movement of conscience can succeed in America that cannot speak to the convictions of religious people.

"We separate church and state affairs in this country, and for good reason. No religion should dictate to the state nor should the state interfere with the free practice of religion. But in recent years, the notion of the separation of church and state has been taken by some well beyond its original meaning. They seek to remove from the public domain any acknowledgment of God. Religion is seen as merely a private affair with no place in public life. It is as if they are intent on establishing a new religion in America - the religion of secularism. They are wrong.

"The founders proscribed the establishment of a state religion, but they did not countenance the elimination of religion from the public square. We are a nation 'Under God' and in God, we do indeed trust.

"We should acknowledge the Creator as did the Founders - in ceremony and word. He should remain on our currency, in our pledge, in the teaching of our history, and during the holiday season, nativity scenes and menorahs should be welcome in our public places. Our greatness would not long endure without judges who respect the foundation of faith upon which our constitution rests. I will take care to separate the affairs of government from any religion, but I will not separate us from 'the God who gave us liberty.'

"Nor would I separate us from our religious heritage. Perhaps the most important question to ask a person of faith who seeks a political office, is this: does he share these American values: the equality of human kind, the obligation to serve one another, and a steadfast commitment to liberty?

"They are not unique to any one denomination. They belong to the great moral inheritance we hold in common. They are the firm ground on which Americans of different faiths meet and stand as a nation, united.

"We believe that every single human being is a child of God - we are all part of the human family. The conviction of the inherent and inalienable worth of every life is still the most revolutionary political proposition ever advanced. John Adams put it that we are 'thrown into the world all equal and alike.'

"The consequence of our common humanity is our responsibility to one another, to our fellow Americans foremost, but also to every child of God. It is an obligation which is fulfilled by Americans every day, here and across the globe, without regard to creed or race or nationality.

"Americans acknowledge that liberty is a gift of God, not an indulgence of government. No people in the history of the world have sacrificed as much for liberty. The lives of hundreds of thousands of America's sons and daughters were laid down during the last century to preserve freedom, for us and for freedom loving people throughout the world. America took nothing from that Century's terrible wars - no land from Germany or Japan or Korea; no treasure; no oath of fealty. America's resolve in the defense of liberty has been tested time and again. It has not been found wanting, nor must it ever be. America must never falter in holding high the banner of freedom.

"These American values, this great moral heritage, is shared and lived in my religion as it is in yours. I was taught in my home to honor God and love my neighbor. I saw my father march with Martin Luther King. I saw my parents provide compassionate care to others, in personal ways to people nearby, and in just as consequential ways in leading national volunteer movements. I am moved by the Lord's words: 'For I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me in: naked, and ye clothed me...'

"My faith is grounded on these truths. You can witness them in Ann and my marriage and in our family. We are a long way from perfect and we have surely stumbled along the way, but our aspirations, our values, are the self-same as those from the other faiths that stand upon this common foundation. And these convictions will indeed inform my presidency.

"Today's generations of Americans have always known religious liberty. Perhaps we forget the long and arduous path our nation's forbearers took to achieve it. They came here from England to seek freedom of religion. But upon finding it for themselves, they at first denied it to others. Because of their diverse beliefs, Ann Hutchinson was exiled from Massachusetts Bay, a banished Roger Williams founded Rhode Island, and two centuries later, Brigham Young set out for the West. Americans were unable to accommodate their commitment to their own faith with an appreciation for the convictions of others to different faiths. In this, they were very much like those of the European nations they had left.

"It was in Philadelphia that our founding fathers defined a revolutionary vision of liberty, grounded on self evident truths about the equality of all, and the inalienable rights with which each is endowed by his Creator.

"We cherish these sacred rights, and secure them in our Constitutional order. Foremost do we protect religious liberty, not as a matter of policy but as a matter of right. There will be no established church, and we are guaranteed the free exercise of our religion.

"I'm not sure that we fully appreciate the profound implications of our tradition of religious liberty. I have visited many of the magnificent cathedrals in Europe. They are so inspired . so grand . so empty. Raised up over generations, long ago, so many of the cathedrals now stand as the postcard backdrop to societies just too busy or too 'enlightened' to venture inside and kneel in prayer. The establishment of state religions in Europe did no favor to Europe's churches. And though you will find many people of strong faith there, the churches themselves seem to be withering away.

"Infinitely worse is the other extreme, the creed of conversion by conquest: violent Jihad, murder as martyrdom... killing Christians, Jews, and Muslims with equal indifference. These radical Islamists do their preaching not by reason or example, but in the coercion of minds and the shedding of blood. We face no greater danger today than theocratic tyranny, and the boundless suffering these states and groups could inflict if given the chance.

The diversity of our cultural expression, and the vibrancy of our religious dialogue, has kept America in the forefront of civilized nations even as others regard religious freedom as something to be destroyed.

In such a world, we can be deeply thankful that we live in a land where reason and religion are friends and allies in the cause of liberty, joined against the evils and dangers of the day. And you can be certain of this: Any believer in religious freedom, any person who has knelt in prayer to the Almighty, has a friend and ally in me. And so it is for hundreds of millions of our countrymen: We do not insist on a single strain of religion — rather, we welcome our nation's symphony of faith.

Recall the early days of the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia, during the fall of 1774. With Boston occupied by British troops, there were rumors of imminent hostilities and fears of an impending war. In this time of peril, someone suggested that they pray. But there were objections. They were too divided in religious sentiments, what with Episcopalians and Quakers, Anabaptists and Congregationalists, Presbyterians and Catholics.

Then Sam Adams rose, and said he would hear a prayer from anyone of piety and good character, as long as they were a patriot. And so together they prayed, and together they fought, and together, by the grace of God, they founded this great nation.

In that spirit, let us give thanks to the divine author of liberty. And together, let us pray that this land may always be blessed with freedom's holy light.

God bless this great land, the United States of America.

The previous was a transcript (as prepared for delivery) of former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney's speech "Faith in America," delivered at the George Bush Presidential Library in College Station, Texas. Romney discussed his views on religious liberty, religious tolerance and how faith would inform his presidency. The speech begins with Romney addressing former President George H.W. Bush, who introduced the former governor.

CBS' Scott Conroy on Romney in 08 South Carolina Elections

Fresh off the crucial victory in last night’s Michigan primary, a confident Mitt Romney took his campaign south of the Mason-Dixon line for a 1 1/2 day long bus tour through South Carolina. Romney was brimming with confidence this morning, and his stump stories and routine jokes seemed to hit the mark better than usual with the crowd of about 500 retirees here.

“I think Senator McCain has a very strong lead here,” Romney said to reporters. “He’s the clear frontrunner. It would be an enormous surprise if he were to be unable to win here. I’d like to do better than my current place, which is fourth, but even a strong fourth is better than what some of the other guys saw in Michigan last night.”

Several recent South Carolina polls actually show Romney in third place, trailing McCain and Mike Huckabee and ahead of Fred Thompson.

While his three main rivals here plan to devote all of their energies to the Palmetto State over the next four days, Romney is scheduled to fly out to Nevada tomorrow to try to secure a victory in Saturday’s caucus there. Romney pointed out to reporters that South Carolina only awards 24 GOP delegates, while there are 34 delegates to be won in Nevada.

“I’m not looking for gold stars on my forehead like I was in first grade,” Romney said. “I want delegates.”

Romney said that after South Carolina and Nevada vote on Saturday, he would focus his attention on the 21 GOP Super Tuesday states with contests on February 5th and would also expend resources in Florida, which holds its primary on January 29th.

“Interestingly, Florida looks wide open,” Romney said. “Instead of being the firewall for the Giuliani campaign, it’s going to be a real contest.”

Romney said he disagrees with the notion that Republican voters are disappointed with the GOP field and said that five well-qualified candidates represents “an embarrassment of riches.”

“You've got Senator McCain, who is a national hero,” Romney said. “You've got Rudy Giuliani, who is America’s mayor. You've got Governor Huckabee who's a very well-spoken and entertaining individual. You've got Fred Thompson, who is a senator and a charming actor, and then you’ve got a guy like myself who has spent their life in the private sector. And all five of the ones I just mentioned, if I did my math correctly, are pretty impressive in their own right.”

An Article by The Trail on Romney in 08 Elections

Steve Schmidt, a top McCain strategist, attributed yesterday's loss to "Mitt Romney's pandering up in Michigan" by promising what Schmidt called a "$100 billion bailout of the auto industry...Mitt Romney should explain to the rest of the country how he's going to pay for it."

The morning after John McCain lost the Michigan primary to Mitt Romney, his team rolled out a new attack on the former Massachusetts governor, even likening him to John Kerry as a flip-flopper.

While Romney has proposed a five-year, $20 billion-a-year effort to revitalize the ailing auto industry, the Arizona senator has emphasized worker retraining and research into green technologies. Schmidt would not put a price tag on that but minimized the retraining plan as a consolidation of existing programs.

Speaking to reporters after a rally here today, McCain declined to use the word "pandering" but said of Romney: "By promising that amount of money to the auto industry, at least he ought to be able to say where it's going to come from." McCain cited statistics purporting to show that Massachusetts lagged the nation in economic growth during Romney's four-year term.

Asked why he began the Greenville rally by touting his record of opposing abortion, McCain said it is an important issue here and that "we know there are phone calls being made that I am pro-choice."

Schmidt, a top official in President Bush's reelection campaign, told reporters earlier today that Romney's shifting positions are reminiscent of Kerry, who was dogged by charges of flip-flopping in 2004. "When you have a candidate like Mitt Romney who's been on both sides of every issue...it's a tremendous liability in a general election," he said.

Schmidt broadened the verbal assault to include what he called Romney's "rather weak record as governor of Massachusetts," including sluggish job growth and a $700 million boost in taxes and fees, and said Romney's record of trimming jobs as a corporate takeover artist would also be fair game.

The remarks, significantly harsher than what McCain has said, clearly reflect an effort to rough up Romney and blunt any momentum he may have garnered heading into Saturday's South Carolina primary. Although McCain campaigned hard in Michigan, Schmidt dismissed the victory by Romney, who grew up there, as a triumph by a "native son."

The McCain camp was rather annoyed last night when Romney gave his victory speech soon after the networks projected him the winner at 9 p.m., prompting some cable networks to break away from McCain's remarks. Protocol usually dictates that the winner wait until the losing candidates have thanked their supporters.

"Totally classless," Schmidt said.