And He's Off: Romney in Florida

Romney's third victory of the Republican presidential race, following the Michigan primary on Tuesday and Wyoming caucuses on Jan. 5, more firmly established him as a top contender.

Mitt Romney notched an easy win yesterday in the lightly contested Nevada caucuses, but finished fourth in the fiercely fought South Carolina primary, a mixed result that sets him up for a major battle in Florida.

Even as he celebrated his win, Romney set his sights on the Jan. 29 Florida primary, the next big prize and the gateway to Super Tuesday on Feb. 5. He drew 600 supporters to a rally at the University of North Florida last night and plans to embark on a bus tour across the state tomorrow. He said he may not campaign outside Florida until after the vote.

"Well, I'd love to win Florida, of course," Romney said at a Jacksonville airport, immediately after landing on a chartered flight from Las Vegas. "It's a very big state with a lot of delegates, and I care very much about Florida."

Romney won the support of 51 percent of Nevada caucus-goers, but only 15 percent of South Carolina voters. With the addition of 17 of Nevada's 31 delegates to his tally, Romney extended his lead in the overall race for delegates. Florida - where recent polls suggest a tight four-way race among Romney, Rudy Giuliani, Mike Huckabee, and John McCain - will award 57 more.

His rivals will need to raise millions of dollars to compete through Feb. 5, but Romney has the advantage of being able to dip again into his personal fortune.

Romney focused on winning Nevada because it was friendlier territory and had more delegates than South Carolina, which awards 24. The race is so wide open that Romney's aides believe that the Republican National Convention in September might be brokered, if no candidate has the nomination locked up.

In South Carolina, Romney finished behind McCain, Huckabee, and Fred Thompson, who had been warring there for weeks. Romney campaigned less aggressively in the state, gambling that a clear win in Nevada would be more important for him than bragging rights from the first Southern primary, which every GOP nominee has won since 1980.

Besides Romney, only Ron Paul, who finished a distant second, made a serious effort in Nevada's GOP caucuses, but Romney insisted the absence of major rivals did not make his victory any less meaningful.

"From my standpoint, that was good news, not bad news," he said. "I'm pleased that I was able to win in this state, get good support here, and underscore the fact that I'm competing in all the states."

Romney built his win in the Silver State with support from across demographic groups. But fellow Mormons played a particularly significant role. About 25 percent of those attending the caucuses were Mormon, and more than nine in 10 voted for Romney, according to the preliminary results of an entrance poll conducted for the Associated Press and the television networks. About half of Romney's support came from Mormons, the survey suggested.

Romney downplayed those figures, saying he believes voters choose candidates based on their qualifications, not their religion. Still, his win underscored yet again the striking role of religion in the Republican race.

Nevada has the fourth-highest concentration of Mormons of any state, about 9 percent of its population. Romney made it a priority, particularly after South Carolina's large population of evangelicals flocked to Huckabee, a former Baptist minister. Evangelical voters also helped power Huckabee to a win over Romney in Iowa.

"There will always be some people whose vote will be shaped by the faith of the candidate," Romney said. "I don't think that's the majority of the country."

In Nevada, Romney also had a slight lead among non-Mormons and ran even with Huckabee among evangelicals, according to the entrance poll.

Romney received word of his win a bit awkwardly while he was flying from Las Vegas to Florida. At the time, he was sitting on an armrest in the rear of the plane, briefing reporters on a $233 billion economic stimulus plan he released yesterday. His wife, Ann, got on the public address system and said she had announcement to make. Looking somewhat annoyed, Romney raised his hand and told her not to interrupt. But she went ahead and said Fox News had just declared him the winner in Nevada. Air traffic controllers had radioed the news to the flight crew.

"That is a good announcement. Got any more good ones? Keep them coming," Romney said with a muted enthusiasm that reflected what was essentially a foregone conclusion.

The economic stimulus package buttresses Romney's chief message since his Michigan victory: that his business experience makes him the best candidate to create jobs and strengthen the ailing economy.

The package would cut the lowest individual income tax rate from 10 percent to 7.5 percent, eliminate payroll taxes on employees over age 65, and reduce the top corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent over two years. Romney said his plan would give corporations more incentives to hire workers than the $145 billion plan President Bush proposed .

Michael Levenson can be reached at mlevenson@globe.com.

Californians for Romney in 08

California is not a swing state but a “swung” state: It has bestowed its 55 electoral votes on Democrats in every presidential election since 1988. Before ‘88, it elected Republican presidents six straight times.

The Golden State, then, has shifted reliably into the Democratic column, so much so that it’s now taken for granted by the Party of Jackson.

Therein lies a glimmer of opportunity for the GOP, though. If a Republican candidate could land California, or even come close, he could wreak havoc at the DNC. This horrific prospect has provided dramatic fodder for The West Wing’s current season, where a (moderate) Republican senator from California is the favorite to capture his home state and with it the presidency.

Could life imitate art? Possibly, if Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney has anything to say about it. Romney recently paid a visit to the Golden State to participate in the meeting of the Republican Governors’ Association, of which he was named chairman.

I heard him speak at a meeting of the Fairbanks Republican Women Federated (FRWF), one of the most successful groups of its kind. His movie-star-handsome looks render him instantly appealing, at least superficially, in a state like California.

But Romney’s potential appeal to residents of our most populous state runs deeper than appearances. Although he is increasingly socially conservative, Romney’s background and governing style — not to mention the fawning profiles that have graced the pages of both liberal and conservative magazines — suggest he might command support in California.

For one thing, the Massachusetts governor is a minority in more ways than one. As a Mormon and as a Republican in a Democratic state, he can relate to feelings of alienation from the mainstream, an ability that will promote at least a perception of his tolerance and openness — both musts in California. Perceptions matter — again, especially in California — and anything that may undercut a simplistic dismissal of him as Yet Another White Man will help. Perhaps unwittingly, Romney uses phrases like “tiny minority position” to describe his political situation.

Furthermore, his ability to run a state successfully despite the overwhelming political odds stacked against him will stand him well in a state where another Republican governor faces a similar predicament. The Massachusetts legislature is 85-percent Democratic; its entire congressional delegation are Democrats. Romney calls himself “a red speck in a blue state,” which is another way of saying that he’s able to maintain his redness while still working with the blue around him.

And indeed the governor’s experience as chief executive of Massachusetts has been largely successful. He touts practical solutions that he arrived at in conjunction with the legislature, such as reforming the way the homeless are sheltered — namely, scrapping the wasteful hotel program and helping them find long-term residences — and jiggering the educational system to foster progress in math and science (on a 2005 national test, Bay State students ranked first or tied for first in math and most other subjects).

Moreover, while the governor often describes himself as a social conservative (his abortion position — a promise not to violate the state’s “status quo” — is a matter of some controversy), he displays a pragmatic side even when it comes to divisive issues like stem-cell research.

He also approaches cultural issues with friendly, hard-to-disagree-with rhetoric. At the FRWF speech, he heaped praise upon David Landes’s “The Wealth and Poverty of Nations,” a magisterial book stressing the importance of cultural norms to economic development. He quoted Abigail Adams’s observation that “great necessities call out great virtues.” And he urged the crowd, in his own words, to “live by principles higher than ourselves.” Culture, virtue, principles — these phrases may be anathema to the California Left but, when presented with Romney’s thousand-watt smile, can easily be swallowed by the vast middle.

Romney’s experience as a chief executive in real life presents another appealing aspect to his persona. As the founder of Bain Capital and a successful businessman of his own making, he would be an apt replacement for the first “MBA president.”

And, finally, Romney’s career offers an X-factor of which no other Republican in the field can boast. As detailed in an eloquent introduction by Hawaii Governor Linda Lingle (incidentally, the first-ever female, Jewish, Republican, and non-Oahuan governor of the Aloha State), Romney fished out the 2002 Salt Lake Olympic Games from a filthy cesspool of corruption. He swooped in, cleaned house, and prepared a successful Games while avoiding the long shadow cast by both the Salt Lake shenanigans and 9/11.

With some conservatives worried about serious Republican electoral trouble because of a growing number of bribery, money laundering, illegal lobbying, and obstruction of justice scandals embroiling many key figures in the GOP (in California, it’s not just the Republicans enduring such problems), Romney’s D.C.-free whistle-clean image, coupled with his proven ability to transcend a corrupt mess, may prove a tempting antidote. Hopefully the pundits are wrong and the scandals will have little impact in 2006. But if they do, Mitt will be waiting in the wings.

In the end, could Romney, who hasn’t yet stated whether he’ll run for president, return the Golden State to the GOP? Well, to be honest, probably not. But he may well represent the Republicans’ best shot.

Michael M. Rosen is an attorney in San Diego and heads the Republican Jewish Coalition’s San Diego chapter. The views expressed are his own.

Written by Ann Marie Curling

Romney in 08 Stumping for Faith (Speech Transcript)

Thank you, Mr. President, for your kind introduction.

"It is an honor to be here today. This is an inspiring place because of you and the first lady, and because of the film exhibited across the way in the Presidential library. For those who have not seen it, it shows the President as a young pilot, shot down during the Second World War, being rescued from his life-raft by the crew of an American submarine. It is a moving reminder that when America has faced challenge and peril, Americans rise to the occasion, willing to risk their very lives to defend freedom and preserve our nation. We are in your debt. Thank you, Mr. President.

"Mr. President, your generation rose to the occasion, first to defeat Fascism and then to vanquish the Soviet Union. You left us, your children, a free and strong America. It is why we call yours the greatest generation. It is now my generation's turn. How we respond to today's challenges will define our generation. And it will determine what kind of America we will leave our children, and theirs.

"America faces a new generation of challenges. Radical violent Islam seeks to destroy us. An emerging China endeavors to surpass our economic leadership. And we are troubled at home by government overspending, overuse of foreign oil, and the breakdown of the family.

"Over the last year, we have embarked on a national debate on how best to preserve American leadership. Today, I wish to address a topic which I believe is fundamental to America's greatness: our religious liberty. I will also offer perspectives on how my own faith would inform my presidency, if I were elected.

"There are some who may feel that religion is not a matter to be seriously considered in the context of the weighty threats that face us. If so, they are at odds with the nation's founders, for they, when our nation faced its greatest peril, sought the blessings of the Creator. And further, they discovered the essential connection between the survival of a free land and the protection of religious freedom. In John Adams' words: 'We have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion... Our constitution was made for a moral and religious people.'

"Freedom requires religion just as religion requires freedom. Freedom opens the windows of the soul so that man can discover his most profound beliefs and commune with God. Freedom and religion endure together, or perish alone.

"Given our grand tradition of religious tolerance and liberty, some wonder whether there are any questions regarding an aspiring candidate's religion that are appropriate. I believe there are. And I will answer them today.

"Almost 50 years ago another candidate from Massachusetts explained that he was an American running for president, not a Catholic running for president. Like him, I am an American running for president. I do not define my candidacy by my religion. A person should not be elected because of his faith nor should he be rejected because of his faith.

"Let me assure you that no authorities of my church, or of any other church for that matter, will ever exert influence on presidential decisions. Their authority is theirs, within the province of church affairs, and it ends where the affairs of the nation begin.

"As governor, I tried to do the right as best I knew it, serving the law and answering to the Constitution. I did not confuse the particular teachings of my church with the obligations of the office and of the Constitution - and of course, I would not do so as president. I will put no doctrine of any church above the plain duties of the office and the sovereign authority of the law.

"As a young man, Lincoln described what he called America's 'political religion' - the commitment to defend the rule of law and the Constitution. When I place my hand on the Bible and take the oath of office, that oath becomes my highest promise to God. If I am fortunate to become your president, I will serve no one religion, no one group, no one cause, and no one interest. A president must serve only the common cause of the people of the United States.

"There are some for whom these commitments are not enough. They would prefer it if I would simply distance myself from my religion, say that it is more a tradition than my personal conviction, or disavow one or another of its precepts. That I will not do. I believe in my Mormon faith and I endeavor to live by it. My faith is the faith of my fathers - I will be true to them and to my beliefs.

"Some believe that such a confession of my faith will sink my candidacy. If they are right, so be it. But I think they underestimate the American people. Americans do not respect believers of convenience.

Americans tire of those who would jettison their beliefs, even to gain the world.

"There is one fundamental question about which I often am asked. What do I believe about Jesus Christ? I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and the Savior of mankind. My church's beliefs about Christ may not all be the same as those of other faiths. Each religion has its own unique doctrines and history. These are not bases for criticism but rather a test of our tolerance. Religious tolerance would be a shallow principle indeed if it were reserved only for faiths with which we agree.

"There are some who would have a presidential candidate describe and explain his church's distinctive doctrines. To do so would enable the very religious test the founders prohibited in the Constitution. No candidate should become the spokesman for his faith. For if he becomes president he will need the prayers of the people of all faiths.

"I believe that every faith I have encountered draws its adherents closer to God. And in every faith I have come to know, there are features I wish were in my own: I love the profound ceremony of the Catholic Mass, the approachability of God in the prayers of the Evangelicals, the tenderness of spirit among the Pentecostals, the confident independence of the Lutherans, the ancient traditions of the Jews, unchanged through the ages, and the commitment to frequent prayer of the Muslims. As I travel across the country and see our towns and cities, I am always moved by the many houses of worship with their steeples, all pointing to heaven, reminding us of the source of life's blessings.

"It is important to recognize that while differences in theology exist between the churches in America, we share a common creed of moral convictions. And where the affairs of our nation are concerned, it's usually a sound rule to focus on the latter - on the great moral principles that urge us all on a common course. Whether it was the cause of abolition, or civil rights, or the right to life itself, no movement of conscience can succeed in America that cannot speak to the convictions of religious people.

"We separate church and state affairs in this country, and for good reason. No religion should dictate to the state nor should the state interfere with the free practice of religion. But in recent years, the notion of the separation of church and state has been taken by some well beyond its original meaning. They seek to remove from the public domain any acknowledgment of God. Religion is seen as merely a private affair with no place in public life. It is as if they are intent on establishing a new religion in America - the religion of secularism. They are wrong.

"The founders proscribed the establishment of a state religion, but they did not countenance the elimination of religion from the public square. We are a nation 'Under God' and in God, we do indeed trust.

"We should acknowledge the Creator as did the Founders - in ceremony and word. He should remain on our currency, in our pledge, in the teaching of our history, and during the holiday season, nativity scenes and menorahs should be welcome in our public places. Our greatness would not long endure without judges who respect the foundation of faith upon which our constitution rests. I will take care to separate the affairs of government from any religion, but I will not separate us from 'the God who gave us liberty.'

"Nor would I separate us from our religious heritage. Perhaps the most important question to ask a person of faith who seeks a political office, is this: does he share these American values: the equality of human kind, the obligation to serve one another, and a steadfast commitment to liberty?

"They are not unique to any one denomination. They belong to the great moral inheritance we hold in common. They are the firm ground on which Americans of different faiths meet and stand as a nation, united.

"We believe that every single human being is a child of God - we are all part of the human family. The conviction of the inherent and inalienable worth of every life is still the most revolutionary political proposition ever advanced. John Adams put it that we are 'thrown into the world all equal and alike.'

"The consequence of our common humanity is our responsibility to one another, to our fellow Americans foremost, but also to every child of God. It is an obligation which is fulfilled by Americans every day, here and across the globe, without regard to creed or race or nationality.

"Americans acknowledge that liberty is a gift of God, not an indulgence of government. No people in the history of the world have sacrificed as much for liberty. The lives of hundreds of thousands of America's sons and daughters were laid down during the last century to preserve freedom, for us and for freedom loving people throughout the world. America took nothing from that Century's terrible wars - no land from Germany or Japan or Korea; no treasure; no oath of fealty. America's resolve in the defense of liberty has been tested time and again. It has not been found wanting, nor must it ever be. America must never falter in holding high the banner of freedom.

"These American values, this great moral heritage, is shared and lived in my religion as it is in yours. I was taught in my home to honor God and love my neighbor. I saw my father march with Martin Luther King. I saw my parents provide compassionate care to others, in personal ways to people nearby, and in just as consequential ways in leading national volunteer movements. I am moved by the Lord's words: 'For I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me in: naked, and ye clothed me...'

"My faith is grounded on these truths. You can witness them in Ann and my marriage and in our family. We are a long way from perfect and we have surely stumbled along the way, but our aspirations, our values, are the self-same as those from the other faiths that stand upon this common foundation. And these convictions will indeed inform my presidency.

"Today's generations of Americans have always known religious liberty. Perhaps we forget the long and arduous path our nation's forbearers took to achieve it. They came here from England to seek freedom of religion. But upon finding it for themselves, they at first denied it to others. Because of their diverse beliefs, Ann Hutchinson was exiled from Massachusetts Bay, a banished Roger Williams founded Rhode Island, and two centuries later, Brigham Young set out for the West. Americans were unable to accommodate their commitment to their own faith with an appreciation for the convictions of others to different faiths. In this, they were very much like those of the European nations they had left.

"It was in Philadelphia that our founding fathers defined a revolutionary vision of liberty, grounded on self evident truths about the equality of all, and the inalienable rights with which each is endowed by his Creator.

"We cherish these sacred rights, and secure them in our Constitutional order. Foremost do we protect religious liberty, not as a matter of policy but as a matter of right. There will be no established church, and we are guaranteed the free exercise of our religion.

"I'm not sure that we fully appreciate the profound implications of our tradition of religious liberty. I have visited many of the magnificent cathedrals in Europe. They are so inspired . so grand . so empty. Raised up over generations, long ago, so many of the cathedrals now stand as the postcard backdrop to societies just too busy or too 'enlightened' to venture inside and kneel in prayer. The establishment of state religions in Europe did no favor to Europe's churches. And though you will find many people of strong faith there, the churches themselves seem to be withering away.

"Infinitely worse is the other extreme, the creed of conversion by conquest: violent Jihad, murder as martyrdom... killing Christians, Jews, and Muslims with equal indifference. These radical Islamists do their preaching not by reason or example, but in the coercion of minds and the shedding of blood. We face no greater danger today than theocratic tyranny, and the boundless suffering these states and groups could inflict if given the chance.

The diversity of our cultural expression, and the vibrancy of our religious dialogue, has kept America in the forefront of civilized nations even as others regard religious freedom as something to be destroyed.

In such a world, we can be deeply thankful that we live in a land where reason and religion are friends and allies in the cause of liberty, joined against the evils and dangers of the day. And you can be certain of this: Any believer in religious freedom, any person who has knelt in prayer to the Almighty, has a friend and ally in me. And so it is for hundreds of millions of our countrymen: We do not insist on a single strain of religion — rather, we welcome our nation's symphony of faith.

Recall the early days of the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia, during the fall of 1774. With Boston occupied by British troops, there were rumors of imminent hostilities and fears of an impending war. In this time of peril, someone suggested that they pray. But there were objections. They were too divided in religious sentiments, what with Episcopalians and Quakers, Anabaptists and Congregationalists, Presbyterians and Catholics.

Then Sam Adams rose, and said he would hear a prayer from anyone of piety and good character, as long as they were a patriot. And so together they prayed, and together they fought, and together, by the grace of God, they founded this great nation.

In that spirit, let us give thanks to the divine author of liberty. And together, let us pray that this land may always be blessed with freedom's holy light.

God bless this great land, the United States of America.

The previous was a transcript (as prepared for delivery) of former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney's speech "Faith in America," delivered at the George Bush Presidential Library in College Station, Texas. Romney discussed his views on religious liberty, religious tolerance and how faith would inform his presidency. The speech begins with Romney addressing former President George H.W. Bush, who introduced the former governor.

CBS' Scott Conroy on Romney in 08 South Carolina Elections

Fresh off the crucial victory in last night’s Michigan primary, a confident Mitt Romney took his campaign south of the Mason-Dixon line for a 1 1/2 day long bus tour through South Carolina. Romney was brimming with confidence this morning, and his stump stories and routine jokes seemed to hit the mark better than usual with the crowd of about 500 retirees here.

“I think Senator McCain has a very strong lead here,” Romney said to reporters. “He’s the clear frontrunner. It would be an enormous surprise if he were to be unable to win here. I’d like to do better than my current place, which is fourth, but even a strong fourth is better than what some of the other guys saw in Michigan last night.”

Several recent South Carolina polls actually show Romney in third place, trailing McCain and Mike Huckabee and ahead of Fred Thompson.

While his three main rivals here plan to devote all of their energies to the Palmetto State over the next four days, Romney is scheduled to fly out to Nevada tomorrow to try to secure a victory in Saturday’s caucus there. Romney pointed out to reporters that South Carolina only awards 24 GOP delegates, while there are 34 delegates to be won in Nevada.

“I’m not looking for gold stars on my forehead like I was in first grade,” Romney said. “I want delegates.”

Romney said that after South Carolina and Nevada vote on Saturday, he would focus his attention on the 21 GOP Super Tuesday states with contests on February 5th and would also expend resources in Florida, which holds its primary on January 29th.

“Interestingly, Florida looks wide open,” Romney said. “Instead of being the firewall for the Giuliani campaign, it’s going to be a real contest.”

Romney said he disagrees with the notion that Republican voters are disappointed with the GOP field and said that five well-qualified candidates represents “an embarrassment of riches.”

“You've got Senator McCain, who is a national hero,” Romney said. “You've got Rudy Giuliani, who is America’s mayor. You've got Governor Huckabee who's a very well-spoken and entertaining individual. You've got Fred Thompson, who is a senator and a charming actor, and then you’ve got a guy like myself who has spent their life in the private sector. And all five of the ones I just mentioned, if I did my math correctly, are pretty impressive in their own right.”